For all the good works, the money and the hospitals, the
volunteer doctors, the aid projects, the dams and the schoolrooms,
the truth is that it was an unequal war, and everyone knew it. There
was no Viet Cong air force, let alone Viet Cong B-52 bombers, and no
artillery fire bases (although in time the North Vietnamese would
cause havoc with Russian-made mortars and rockets). I have no doubt
that the Communists, if they had possessed the aircraft and bombs,
would have used them far more ruthlessly than the Americans used
them. As it was, they had tools that were much more effective in a
people’s war. The basic and most useful question is not and never
has been the effect of American firepower on the Vietnamese – it is
the effect on the Americans, who bear responsibility for its use. It
would somehow have seemed more reasonable if there were convincing
evidence that the B-52 strikes and the artillery bombardments at
night were helping the war effort, rather than hurting it. But there
was no such evidence….
The population did not engage in the struggle. The Viet Cong did
not regard American weaponry as decisive. And the inequality of the
struggle, 500,000 men and their machines for so little advance, only
increased American frustrations. It was unequal, and
therefore unfair. It went against the American grain. When the
guerrillas bombed a billet or assassinated a district chief, the
Americans called it terrorism. They had to call it terrorism because
guerrilla warfare did not fit the scheme of the war as they were
fighting it….
But how could you change it? The war was not a tennis match.,
with seeds, or an auto grand prix with corrected times for
the slower cars. You did what you had to do to win, or what you
thought would bring victory closer…. How could millions of pounds of
bombs over enemy targets conceivably be a failure? The logic was
inescapable. In Vietnam a moderate was a man who thought that the
only thing worse than winning the war was losing it, for what would
come with defeat would be far worse than anything that would come
with victory. So the war was fought, and a plausible and powerful
case can be made that given the situation in 1965, all the combat
troops should have been committed at once; once the interventionist
course had been decided, the Americans then should have pressed
ahead on a one hundred percent basis, with troop call-ups and
rationing at home. But it happened piecemeal, and hindsight is an
unfair tactic to use in talking about American policy in Vietnam. In
prosecuting a conventional war against a skilled guerrilla army
operating among, at best, an indifferent population, there was a
heavy psychological price to pay. And the Americans were paying it.
Ward Just
TO WHAT END
Number of Pop-Tarts dropped on Afghanistan as part of U.S.
airborne food aid in the first month of bombing: 2,400,000 –
“Harper’s Index,” Harper’s Magazine, January 2002 (Source:
Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Arlington, Va.)
One December during the Eighties when I went back into Alaska, I
spent several months in Fairbanks, living in an absent friend’s small
house back on a ridge south of town. I had also been loaned a yellow
truck, a rattletrap, that belonged to a hunting guide who was wintering
in the mountains. The weather was very cold; but the highway was dry and
easy to travel on, once the truck was running, and I was driving into
town, wrapped in a mood that was sharp-eyed, solitary, and expectant.
Along the roadside the birches thinned into a small clearing. At the
edge of this clearing I saw an apparition. Near the trees stood a
remarkably tall, graceful young woman. Winter birds, redpolls and the
tiny buntings, nestled in the crook of her arm.
I thought: Not Rilke’s angels, but animals, who watch their people
and their tormenters from the forest’s edge.
Now I am at home in cities in ways no longer possible to me in the
North. In those days I was young and resolutely innocent; my eyes were
wide open; and I am convinced that what I saw was real. Afterward, I
returned to the East Coast, to a reasonable, secular life, and I grew
wary of the imminent unseen.
I noticed sharply the alteration in myself in Fairbanks last August,
where, on a week’s visit, I felt as if I had stepped back into another
era, faintly remembered. The disheartening surprise was that so much was
familiar. Fairbanks will never be a city; it is still a frontier town,
where the tensions between whites and Natives are still tightly wound.
But where was the frontier, ideological homeland of so many Alaskans,
now? Where was the boundary that, at times, can be crossed, though never
freely, only on sufferance?
A book of mine, an account of a mythopoeic journey into the interior
of Alaska, had been published, and I wanted to know if a certain woman,
a major figure in it, approved of what I had written. For, though she
had been my friend and my teacher, an uncertainty exists between writer
and subject when they have been like mother and daughter, but live far
apart in very different worlds. The great world had changed in
1989, as I had observed in the foreword, because
(following the argument of the historian John Lukacs) our historical
consciousness had changed. In 1989, proposed
Lukacs, the twentieth century ended. And so, I had looked backward
across a global dividing line.
Also, I was worried about her health. And also, I wanted to see if
the Alaska I had once known was still visible, or whether life outside
had altered my vision entirely. In what century, though, did Alaska
live? I wanted to look beneath the fraught surface – the
military-industrial complex that organized so much of the Alaskan
economy was gearing up for enormous projects, promising new infusions of
money into the populace – and see the connective tissue underneath. Long
ago I had learned that everything in that country is connected to
everything else; stories unfold and fold back, one into another. More
directly, the old Koyukon Athabaskans talked of sinh’ talaa, a
sort of spirit of energy running through the ground. “The land knows,”
they would say. “Everything you do, the land knows.”
Beforehand, I had heard a good deal of talk about development. More
oil drilling, possibly in ANWR (the Arctic
National Wildlife Reserve; the House voted in
favor of it while I was there); more coal mining (there are large beds
of lignite, a sulfurous, inferior grade of coal found in the Interior),
a gas pipeline proposed, to run part-way at least parallel to the oil
line; and the first steps taken on the new administration’s favored
project, the Missile Defense Shield. President Bush had announced that
he intended to violate the ABM treaty
(1972) the U.S. had signed
with Russia unless Russia agreed to abrogation. Around the state there
seemed, generally, to be enthusiasm for all of these possibilities, I
was told. An old friend well-connected to business people who are
enthusiasts of the outdoors explained why: because development meant
money. Because during the Nineties, when the rest of America was getting
rich on dot-com schemes and the bull market, Alaska was left behind, and
people felt that now it was their turn to do well. That sounded
familiar, the Jacksonian-democratic grudge against those who seemed to
do better than oneself, for whatever reason.
My old friend, a retired professor, met me at the airport – the plane
touched down at midnight; in early August the sky is all but dark – and
we had a beer, late, at the Capt. Bartlett Inn. The Capt. Bartlett is a
grubby-“authentic” little hotel/motel where for some reason I like to
spend the first night when I go back. The rooms are small, ugly, and
overheated, with cardboard-thin walls; it doesn’t matter, the staff is
friendly. In the saloon – swinging doors, sawdust floor, mounted animal
heads, cheerful, pretty young waitresses – I went directly to my
subject: energy. I wanted to know what the real issues were, on the
ground, so to speak. Over the phone, I had doubted his analysis. I
thought that he had stayed too long in the North and lost his old
intellectual acuity. Back East, I couldn’t see what he was
talking about; having landed, I saw it already, although I could not
explain what I saw; perhaps some sense of that it leaked through
our conversation.
He said the energy issues didn’t seem so important here, in the
larger sense. If the energy conglomerate wanted to build a gas pipeline
many people, even environmentalists, sounded excited at the prospect. If
the conglomerate thought there would be adequate return on investment,
then they would build; meanwhile, they would sort of toy with people.
Same with the coal barons: if they could make enough by digging more
coal and sending it to Japan and Korea, then they would dig. Fort Greely
and the missile defense shield: we didn’t talk about this. About
ANWR I asked a question that he said had not been
asked. I will come back to that question.
Larger than the energy issues, he said, is something else that he
couldn’t quite put his hands on, but it looked like fear. Everyone was
afraid. Of what? I asked. What, for instance, was the governor’s office
afraid of? He had used that example. The governor was a Democrat; he
reminded me that since statehood, the only Republican governor had been
Walter Hickel, a land developer who had also been Nixon’s Secretary of
the Interior. He said he couldn’t see much difference between the
Democrats and the Republicans – they both seemed willing to fight to the
death before compromising. He believed that people in groups ought to
compromise, so that they could do business together. A compromise was
when all sides gave up something and came to an agreement that made no
one happy but all could live with. In Alaska, though, the fear was
something like this, he said: that whatever people think of themselves
as being – not in the rat race, at least; not working a job so they
could mow the lawn on the weekend – was going away, or perhaps had
already gone away; and you couldn’t say it was because of the reach of
the transnational corporations. I replied that, after
1989, when the Berlin Wall fell, I knew already what the great
change in the world was going to mean, because I had seen it in Alaska:
the big corporations governed in a way national governments did not, and
we were all part of “the economy,” which had replaced what we had called
society, our civic life. He observed that in the West, i.e., Western
America, that had always been true, but that people didn’t see that as
the important point. The important point was, they saw themselves as
living a certain way, independently, with enough space around them in
which to move without being directed in social lock-step. But in the
last seven or eight years, that sense of independence had begun to
change, he said, and white people were very afraid that whatever they
thought their lives were, before, had already changed irrevocably.
I asked, what it would really mean if a few holes were punched
in ANWR. He replied that he didn’t know, and
didn’t know if anyone really knew. Would it affect the caribou? Don’t
they adapt? I asked. He didn’t know, he said. He had a friend who was
high up in the Park Service administration, who had “vast reservations”
about the Bush administration’s energy plan. He said the administrator
had told him grimly that he had witnessed how the caribou on the North
Slope have been “interfered with” by the pipeline. But he doubted his
friend would want to talk to me, because I was a writer. I asked who I
should approach. Celia Hunter, he suggested, a founder of the Alaska
Conservation Society. She had been around a long, long time and knew her
way and wasn’t given to easy answers.
I said the question interested me because it seemed to me that,
politically, ANWR is thought about in categories
and analogies rather than as a living territory. The technology of
drilling oil is vastly improved. Wildlife can be closely observed. Jobs
are promised. Why, then, did the Gwich’in Athabaskans of Arctic Village,
up there north of the Brooks Range, not want drilling to take place on
the Coastal Plain along the Beaufort Sea? During the oil boom, their
corporation had sunk some (dry) holes. They explained that they had
drilled in areas not essential to the caribou, on which they lived. What
did they want to keep – and what did they want to keep out? The Inupiat
of the North Slope did want drilling, because they had benefited
handsomely from it. The developers and the Teamsters wanted drilling;
the environmentalists did not. Perhaps drilling in ANWR
was like the death penalty, I said: as execution by the state became
more “humane,” and people became more frightened by crime, had putting
criminals to death not become more politically acceptable? Was that a
useful analogy? What was the right analogy? Not the old canard “pristine
wilderness” – it was stale, and what did it mean? Humans had always
lived off the Alaskan land, centuries before it was called wilderness.
So, I had a question and it felt provocative. By then it was so late
that the bar was actually closing. We had a final beer. As always, he
wouldn’t let me pay. I left feeling disoriented.
Alaska is impossible to comprehend unless one understands that the
fundamental social and political fight, not to put too fine a point on
it, among the half-million inhabitants of the state is, Who controls the
lands? That is, who sets hunting regulations and fishing quotas; who
decides what areas are open to subsistence and commercial uses; who
designates what classes of the population are eligible to use the land’s
resources, the animals and fish, for family and personal consumption,
and regulates where commercial ventures can operate? What stakes do the
Alaska Native regional and village corporations have in the extraction
and exploitation of surface and sub-surface non-renewable resources,
such as gravel, gold, mercury, and oil? What powers does the Federal
government have to set and enforce hunting and fishing regulations, as
against the powers of the State? What is the limit of sovereignty –
since aboriginal rights were extinguished by the Settlement Act – held
by Native corporations over their lands? What is “subsistence,” and
where is “rural” Alaska?
Before trying to answer any one of these questions – they cannot not
be answered in this aide-mémoiré but they hover in the background
– one must remember that in 1971, the Alaska
Native Land Claims Settlement Act was passed by the U.S.
Congress and signed into law by President Nixon. The Act, known as
ANCSA, settled forty-four million acres and nearly
a hundred million dollars onto the Alaska Native peoples (the Tlingit,
Haida, Tsimshian, Eyak, Athabaskan, Yup’ik, Inupiat, Aleut, et al.);
but land and money were distributed among a new kind of governing
structure, the for-profit corporation. Two tiers of these corporations
were mandated by the law, and every person recognized as an Alaska
Native received shares in two corporations: the regional corporation
which in general covered traditional lands of his or her
tribal/linguistic group (Athabaskan, Inupiat, etc.), and the village
corporation representing the place from which he or she came. Urban
Natives were covered by a special category.
The corporations were given twenty years in which to organize and
grow profitable; during that time, shares were not alienable to
non-Natives. At a blow, Alaska Native people had come face to face with
the power of capital and were confronted by its engines, corporate
finance and the market. They had had to comprehend what it meant to own
their homeland by deed, and to become capitalists in order to keep and
manage their remaining lands. They had to make sense of capitalism, as
the Central and Eastern European nations have had to do, and in somewhat
similar ways.
Nevertheless, in material terms the Settlement Act has meant success for
many people. The thirteen regional corporations, at least, have become
profitable, distributing often-handsome dividends to their shareholders.
At least two of the Inupiat corporations, the Arctic Slope Regional
Corporation, based in Barrow, and NANA, in
Kotzebue, are beneficiaries of oil royalties as well. In effect, their
non-profit arms are congruent with regional government. Their for-profit
companies employ shareholders, that is, the villagers who are their own
people. It was explained to me, for example, that NANA
owns construction companies which follow an enlightened and traditional
practice of rotating jobs among the available villagers seeking work, so
that, where more people than jobs exist, the jobs are shared to
everyone’s benefit. It seems to me that one of the important stories
about Native people is the effect of wealth and home rule, particularly
on the North Slope. The Inupiat of the North Slope corporations have an
enormous advantage, as do the Canadian Native peoples, because they
control their own lands, resources, schools, and access. This does not
make them amenable, necessarily, to an outsider’s questions, but it does
let them decide how to act for their mutual benefit.
The next day I drove down the Alaska Highway to a little town on the
banks of the Tanana River, where Malfa Ivanov lives. She is a remarkable
woman. In her late sixties, often nearly invalided by serious, chronic
diseases, she is still called upon by Native corporations to conduct
workshops in cross-cultural relations. (She has a masters degree in
education from Harvard.) When I lived in the Interior she took me under
her wing as if I were her daughter, in part to protect me – the country
was not kind to women traveling alone, particularly if they were writers
– in part because she felt I might be taught about Native ways and speak
about them to the outside world. And, perhaps in part it was because I
needed her. In those days her equally remarkable husband, Frederick, was
alive. For thirty years they had owned and run the only Native-owned
barge line serving villages on the rivers of the Interior. For all those
summers they had traveled the Yukon, the Koyukuk, Porcupine, the
Kuskokwim, the Tanana. In winter, she taught school in their home
village, out on the Yukon, whose Athabaskan name meant In the Shelter of
the Hill; while Frederick ran a trap line. It was work he loved, and she
loved him for it. Frederick was Athabaskan, of Russian descent, and his
family name was an influential one in the Interior. Malfa was the child
of an Aleut mother, who died when Malfa was six, and a French-American
father, a seaman from New Hampshire; but she had been brought up in the
old mission orphanage in Shelter, and had married Frederick at sixteen.
What a life of adventure they had lived. Their summer base was in this
river town, where she had retired after his death.
I had not seen my friend in more than two years. Twice, she had
nearly died. Even now she was so ill. She said, “I really feel fine,
it’s just that my body isn’t doing too well.” While I was her guest, she
had planned to invite a gathering of women who would, she hoped, remind
me, who had been away so long, what Native life meant; but this was not
possible.
Instead, she lay on her comfortable couch and we talked for hours. I
wanted to know what she thought about the energy issues and laid out my
questions. I said I was thinking of writing an article. She replied with
a caution I remembered well, rooted in the old fear of writers that
Native people feel, reflexively, I think. A gentle but long inquiry
began. She asked, once more and despite our long friendship, why I had
come there originally, and what I really wanted to learn. What
did I mean when I wrote that the world had changed? The mixture of her
fine, deep mind, at play when she spoke about the life she had known for
so long, with a startling naivetÈ about the complexity of the world
outside, was new. The end of the Soviet Union and the dominance of
Western globalism were abstractions to people like her, with all her
experience, who took as real that which they could see and verify.
Despite the gloom of my friend the professor, they did still think,
stubbornly, that they were individuals making their own lives, untouched
by larger invisible forces. The outside would always look greedy and
invasive, and the discussion would always begin as an opposition of
Native and non-Native points of view. I let myself become quiet, until I
could listen; but I felt how distant I had become from her.
That night the House of Representatives voted to open
ANWR to drilling. She had a satellite dish and watched a lot of
television, a diversion from her constant pain, I think. We watched the
vote on C-SPAN. It wasn’t clear that the Senate
would follow suit, though the Alaskan senators, Stevens and Murkowsky,
warned that the coming fight would be bitter. (In early December, the
Senate voted it down.) I thought that if drilling occurred, the disaster
would be not simply ecological; and that that would
be relatively minor compared to the damage done – all over again – to
Alaskan society. In the News-Miner I had just read that a large
Federal grant had been awarded for study and mitigation of domestic
violence in the State. In 1976, the year I first
arrived, Alaska was known to have the highest rate of domestic violence
in the country. Had nothing changed, nothing been learned?
While the House debated, Malfa made a comment that made me sit up, as
she meant it to do. Her son-in-law is a whaling captain from Point Hope
– perhaps there is no higher achievement for an Inupiaq, and he was
barely forty – and an executive in the regional corporation. She said he
thought it would be a good idea if some young men from the North Slope
went to talk to some young men from the Gwich’in about the benefits of
making money. She added that it would take generations before people
know how to use so much money. She noticed the materialism displayed in
their homes and, remembering dire want, was disturbed by the
wastefulness and extravagance of it: the big-screen TVs,
game stations, computers, latest all-terrain vehicles, and so on. She
thought their spiritual life was still sound, however, and believed that
if there were a disaster and they lost their income from stock
dividends, they could still survive on the old knowledge.
But one sentence was always off-set by another, opposite one, as she
described the situation. The story I followed had taken a turn, while my
friend strove to embrace these contradictions that disturbed and worried
her.
One day, she had company: a woman about whom I had heard for years
but never met dropped by. Twenty-five years ago she had been known as
the fiery young mayor of her Koyukon Athabaskan village, speaking out
for Native rights in an way uncommon for a woman of the Interior. Now
she lived here, temporarily, she said, and worked as a cook at the local
quick-stop. Malfa was polite. They talked about the deficiencies and
implied racism of the local high school, and the woman was critical of
the Native parents for their fear of political activism. This was the
wrong thing to say to Malfa, who had for years spoken out on behalf of
Native parents, and whose grandson, a Marine (I remembered him as a
little boy running in and out of the house) was the only Native student
to graduate in some years. The visit ended on a cool note. Malfa was
displeased and, when we were alone, explained, as if having to teach me
all over again, that the woman’s tongue was too bold for an Athabaskan.
This, from my old friend, who during the War on Poverty in the Sixties
had been trained by Yukon elders to speak publicly on behalf of her
people; who had been known as a fighter. For now, at least, she had
adopted the ideology of what makes an Athabaskan woman an “Athabaskan”:
it depended on demeanor; she sounded an old, old dismay at fast-talking
outsiders and their rude interruptions. But, for the first time, I
wondered whether the demeanor she preferred, the deference, the
dignified avoidance of confrontation, had not evolved from poverty,
isolation, and domination by the priests and nuns who had reared so many
children in the old mission. It is said of the Athabaskans that they are
still unwilling to fight for themselves, to be confrontational. It was a
grave weakness, I thought, because their opponents do not, in turn, become
deferential, they fight to win! That is how all the social questions
here are dealt with: as win/lose fights. If people refuse to fight for
themselves, who shall fight for them? But Athabaskans do not control the
Interior as the Inupiat do the North Slope, but always must gauge their
weight against the white rednecks’ and liberals’ and that of the
corporate men.
A bookstore in Fairbanks invited me to come in and sign copies of my
book. For two hours I sat at a table and observed how people behave
around an author who – maybe; they didn’t know – might be famous.
Several people with whom I had long ago lost touch but was very glad to
see stopped to say hello. Malfa fell into intense conversation with a
professor from the university. Finally, as I was thinking of packing up,
an older woman dressed in sporty sweat-gear bought a book. She was a
retired teacher from Ohio about to leave for Unalakleet. She had just
done a little tour of the Anchorage area, the glaciers, and Denali Park,
and was about to head out to a village on the Bering Sea coast, with no
idea of where she was going and whom she was going to be teaching. I
explained that this book was about a journey among Athabaskans, not
Inupiat, but that it might help her understand that when people acted in
ways different than she expected – if the students did not make eye
contact with her, for example, but kept their gaze politely down or
aside – nonetheless, their acts were meaningful and followed the
protocol of respect shown a teacher, the person who was responsible for
their learning.
After all these years, teachers, those essential people, were still
going out to the Native public schools without any preparation – none! –
for the place where they would live and work, nor for the people whose
children would be put into their care. And village life could be
unbearably squalid; and her culture shock would be massive; and she
would not know what afflicted her.
Malfa had said nothing about my book but, in a little aside,
mentioned an Athabaskan author whose recounting of an old tale about two
old women who sacrificed themselves for their people was what publishers
call a phenomenon. It had sold well and widely; even my local bookstore
carried it. The author was pleased to have earned enough to take care of
all her debts and her family as well; but the story she told, said Malfa,
“belonged” to everyone in the village, and many of the older people felt
a deep sense of communal shame that it had been written and let out to
the public. I suggested that readers would not condemn those old-time
people for the hard choices they had once had to make, but would view
them with sympathy as complex adults facing the unyielding exigencies of
a hard life. She was unconvinced; and I was discouraged. Perhaps her
comment was meant for me: that I had told too much. I said that when
people have to live with secrets and shame, they get sick from them. And
I did feel that much of village sickness – so many deaths, loss, a deep,
unuttered sense of defeat – had to do with feeling pried open, spied
upon by strangers; but this was never going to change.
Toward the end of the week, I telephoned Dan O’Neill, a writer and
journalist I knew slightly in the mid-Eighties, who writes a generally
progressive, always skeptical column for the daily paper. He is the
author of THE FIRECRACKER BOYS, a history of
Project Chariot, the plan devised in the late 1950s
by Edward Teller, the “father” of the American hydrogen bomb, to set off
an enormous thermonuclear explosion on the northwest coast near Point
Hope. It is a sobering story and intimately connected to the history of
the land claims movement, yet fantastic even in retrospect. In selling
their idea to the public, Teller and his colleagues at Lawrence
Livermore Research Laboratory found ingenious ways to justify their
nuclear experiment. They claimed that it would demonstrate the “peaceful
use” of atomic energy by excavating a natural harbor for commercial use
(above the Arctic Circle, where there was little connecting transport);
that the “shot” would only be made if it produced economically viable
results (although they had no plans to develop the harbor, which would
in any case have been ice-bound much of the year); that the radiation
produced would be less than the amount already existing in the
atmosphere (carefully dissembling the fact that background radiation to
which ordinary people are normally exposed would be doubled, the effects
of which doubling were unknown, though the possibilities alarmed
geneticists); and that, in any case, the detonation would take place in
the wilderness far from human habitation (in a hunting area used
regularly by the Inupiat of Point Hope, near one of the oldest
continuously inhabited sites on the North American continent). All of
these reasons were implausible or false. Teller and his “firecracker
boys” in fact wanted to see what would happen when a large thermonuclear
device was detonated at a certain depth underground.
In his careful narrative, which he calls “historical investigative
journalism, perhaps,” O’Neill steadily lays out evidence for our
examination of how “the U.S. Atomic Energy
Commission and its successor agency, the Department of Energy, compiled
a stunning record of willful manipulation of facts.” For, in fact, the
proposed “shot” would also benefit the military’s weapons-testing, as
Teller and his colleagues acknowledged secretly – even as President
Eisenhower was negotiating with Premier Kruschev a limited moratorium on
nuclear testing. He quotes the former Secretary of the Interior Stewart
Udall on the true significance of the project: “There is nothing
comparable in our history to the deceit and the lying that took place as
a matter of official Government policy in order to protect [the nuclear
arms] industry. Nothing was going to stop them and they were willing to
kill our own people.”
In tone the book is measured and comprehensive, anchored by the
weight and breadth of its evidence. In its view of its subject, it is a
radical history, and a people’s history. In an afterward explaining his
reasoning and intent, O’Neill argues that
[a]t issue is the capacity and tendency of a government agency to
circumvent the lawful administration of pubic affairs in order to
advance its own agenda. Behind such institutional corruption may be
a desire to save the country from a threat that, it is claimed, the
citizenry does not fully appreciate. The fallacy, of course, is
that, in the process, the zealots trample the very institutions they
rush to protect. Rationalizations that bypass the public in matters
of public policy threaten democracy in the most basic way: they
usurp what Jefferson called the “ultimate powers of society” from
their only “safe repository…the people themselves.” It is not too
exaggerated to say, as Stewart Udall has done, that “the atomic
weapons race and the secrecy surrounding it crushed American
democracy.”
Dan O’Neill’s righteous, appalled indignation is that of the citizen
who believes that “[a] reverence for such ideals as justice and truth is
understood to be among the philosophic underpinnings of democratic
governments.” He ends with an admonition that rings particularly clear
as I write this, as the president amasses enormous powers to his office
while his attorney general discourages dissent: “The lesson Project
Chariot offers is that a free society must be a skeptical one, that
rigorous questioning and dissent protect, rather than subvert, our
freedoms.”
When I spoke to him, however, it was early August, and I was trying
to learn what Alaskans were thinking about an energy policy and the
prospect of huge development projects that were going to come down on
them. He drew my attention to a matter growing out of the
nuclear-testing years, that had become immediate. We knew that President
Bush had announced he was going to begin taking steps that would lead to
the American violation of the ABM treaty. Nearly
certain was the construction of a national missile defense test site, a
continuation of the old “Star Wars,” at Fort Greely, an army base near
the small communities of Delta Junction, Big Delta and Clearwater on the
Alaska Highway. This would be the first concrete move in the sequence
leading to abrogation of the treaty. He told me there was an active,
knowledgeable citizen’s group, the Alaska and Circumpolar Coalition
against Missile Defense and the Weaponization of Space, popularly called
“No Nukes North,” whose members had for some time been collecting data
and relevant information about the dangers of NMD,
as the national missile defense shield scheme is abbreviated. He urged
me to look at their website and, if possible, speak to one of the
organizers. I asked if he would write a piece about this for
Archipelago. He had already written what he intended to write, he
said, three columns published in the late ‘90s in
the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner; I could find them posted on the
No Nukes North website.
Dan O’Neill may be the Karl Krauss - Will Rogers of the North. Early
on, he took a sardonic bead on the crafty looniness of the
missile-shield enterprise. “Let’s imagine, for a moment,” he wrote in a
column published in 1998, “that the military was
interested in our ideas on the important questions, that it held a real
town meeting, and that an absolutely truthful colonel took public
comments and questions from the floor. Here’s how it might go:”
PUBLIC: Can you say a little about the history of the
ABM idea?
COLONEL: Certainly. It was promoted in 1960
by Father of the H-bomb, Edward Teller. At the
time, Teller was also proposing to excavate an instant harbor in
Alaska by detonating a string of nuclear bombs. His
ABM idea was to launch nuclear-tipped rockets that would
explode in the vicinity of incoming missiles and knock them out.
Scientists called the idea costly and ineffective. But we built one
such ABM facility anyway. In North Dakota. It
protected only a battery of our own ICBM’s. It
was finished in 1975, at a cost of
$7 billion, and scrapped the next year.
Congress determined its upkeep was a waste of money.
PUBLIC: Didn’t the Star Wars program come next?
COLONEL: Exactly. The Strategic Defense Initiative, or
Star Wars, was the most expensive military program in the history of
the world. By far. Tens of billions were spent on little more than
the hope of a laser missile defense system. Weapons scientists
called it “a fraud” and “impossible to accomplish.” Defense
contractors thought it was the next best thing to printing your own
money. Needless to say, the system does not exist.
PUBLIC: So now you guys are back pushing a scaled-down
version?
COLONEL: Correct.
PUBLIC: Will this one work?
COLONEL: Not really, no. You see, there are easier ways
for an Iran or a Libya to attack the US than to try to build
ICBM’s. They could smuggle a bomb across one
of our borders. Or bring one into a city’s harbor onboard a ship. Or
launch a short-range missile from a ship offshore. If they did build
an ICBM, they could build ones that release
multiple decoys, thereby reducing our chances of hitting the actual
warhead (assuming that we figure out how to hit one at all-our last
nine tests have failed). And remember, the missile defense system we
are proposing would only build 20
interceptors. So, for $10 billion (our critics
say much more) we would not be buying any real security.
PUBLIC: Tell me again why we should do this.
COLONEL: It will deliver mega-dollar hardware and
construction contracts to the home states of some pretty influential
senators.
PUBLIC: Like Alaska?
COLONEL: Affirmative. Sen. Ted Stevens says he doesn’t
care where the ABM is based, just so long as
it can defend all 50 states. Well, North Korea
is just 2,000 miles from
Attu Island at the end of the Aleutian Chain. North Dakota is nearly
4,000 miles from Attu.
So even if North Dakota could launch an interceptor at the same
instant that North Korea launched an ICBM
toward Attu, the Korean missile would get there first. Sen. Stevens
has got this figured.
PUBLIC: OK, I see what’s in it for
the politicians and the recipients of pork. But what’s in it for
you?
COLONEL: A $600,000
salary at one of the missile defense contractors after I retire from
government service.
PUBLIC: Is there anything we can do about this?
COLONEL: Yes sir. You can insist on culverts.
If the people at No Nukes North are correct – and they back up their
argument with seemingly accurate data, scientific papers, and Defense
Department reports – the larger goal of NMD is the
“weaponization” of space, which the United States would dominate. As
construction of the test site continues, here are some facts to consider
about Fort Greely, according to Dan O’Neill:
In 1962, the first “portable” nuclear power
plant to be built in the field attained criticality at Fort Greely,
Alaska…. The reactor operated for ten years as low-level radioactive
waste was pumped into nearby Jarvis Creek and into a well drilled
for that purpose.
When the U.S. military considered where in
the world to test deadly nerve gas and germ-warfare agents, they
chose Alaska. At the secret Gerstle River Test Site, part of the
1,200-square-mile Fort Greely Military Reserve
in Interior Alaska, the army experimented with some of the most
deadly chemical agents known to man. Mustard gas and the lethal
nerve gases known as VX and GB
were packed into rockets and artillery shells and either launched or
fired from howitzers into the spruce forests and marshes of the
Gerstle River area. Of course, not every piece of ordnance detonates
as it is supposed to do, and “the test area remains a no-man’s-
land,” according to a military historian.
Sixty miles east of the Gerstle River testing grounds, the army
selected a site near Delta Creek as a place to test bacterial
disease agents in the open air. It was one of only two locations in
the United States where germ-warfare organisms are acknowledged to
have been released into the environment. In 1966
and 1967 the army’s tests at Delta Creek
sought to determine the effectiveness of the tularemia bacteria in
subarctic conditions. Tularemia (after Tulare County, California,
where it was first found) in insects, birds, fish, and water. It is
an acute infectious disease related to bubonic plague. Onset
symptoms occur suddenly and include extreme weakness, headache,
recurring chills. and drenching sweats from high fever. Untreated,
death occurs in about 6 percent of cases.
In one incident uncovered by the Alaskan scholar and
investigative reporter Richard Fineberg, the army lost hundreds of
rockets laden with an aggregate ton of lethal nerve gas. The
rockets, which were slated to be destroyed, were stacked on a frozen
lake in the winter of 1965. But, for some
reason, the soldiers failed to retrieve the rockets before the
spring thaw and they sank to the bottom of the lake, apparently
forgotten. In a few years, with personnel turnover, the story of
lethal nerve gas rockets lying at the bottom of one of the lakes in
the military reserve slipped into local folklore. In
1969, a new commander at the test center followed on the
rumors, however, and tracked the evidence to a lake about a mile from the Gerstle River facility. He ordered it pumped dry, and more
200 nerve-gas rockets—one leaking—were
recovered. A small drop of stuff on the skin can kill a human being
in minutes.
The military undertook a general “cleanup” of the Gerstle Test
Site in 1970, though perhaps it is more
accurate to say the contaminants were “consolidated.” The army
simply heaped up 4 million pounds of chemical
munitions, gas masks, contaminated clothing, and equipment into two
mounds and covered them with dirt. An attempt to transfer the
“restored” land to the Bureau of Land Management resulted in
declining the offer. The army cannot certify that the land is
decontaminated because, as one historian has written, “when the
program terminated in the late 1960s, records
of the testing inexplicably disappeared and remain missing,
apparently destroyed. What files remain confirm sloppy
record-keeping which failed to identify the type of weapons being
tested or how and when they were disposed of.”
About Point Hope he made a sobering discovery that should be widely
known and not forgotten:
In the fall of 1992 the people of Point
Hope painfully revisited the Chariot controversy. In August of that
year I passed on to an official of the Point Hope village
corporation, and to the Alaska Military Network, documents uncovered
while researching this book. The letters and memoranda showed that
before abandoning the Chariot camp, government scientists had buried
nuclear waste near the site. Shortly, banner headlines in the
Anchorage Daily News, Alaska’s largest newspaper, proclaimed,
NUCLEAR WASTE DUMP DISCOVERED: ARCHIVES REVEAL ‘60s
CHUKCHI TEST SITE; OFFICIALS HUSTLE TO DETERMINE HAZARD. The
thirty-year-old documents described how the Atomic Energy Commission
had contracted with the U.S. Geological Survey
(USGS) to conduct experiments with radioactive
tracers at the Chariot site. And they show that when the experiment
was finished, the scientists illegally buried quantities of certain
radioisotopes 1,000 times in excess of federal
regulations. According to the documents, the AEC
had asked the USGS to submit the funding
proposal. And, the documents suggest, the experiment was not
specifically related to Project Chariot, or even to Plowshare.
….The total amount of radioactivity, as reported in the
documents, was twenty-six millicuries (twenty-six thousandths of one
curie). However, there could have been as much as five curies of
radiation transported to Ogotoruk Creek [a traditional hunting area
of Point Hopers]; the USGS had asked the
AEC for permission to transport that amount,
and permission had been granted. Five curies would represent a third
of the radiation that was said to have vented in the worst nuclear
accident in U.S. history: the Three Mile
Island mishap…..
At the stream site, the men put five and a half pounds of
contaminated soil, 3.2 millicuries of
radioactivity, directly into the creek. Then they collected samples
of the water at twenty, forty, and sixty feet down-stream to show
the dispersal of the suspended particles and to measure the
“resulting wave of radioactivity that passed downstream.”
To decontaminate the plots after the experiment, the men
excavated the soggy soil and vegetation down to a depth where only
background levels of radiation were detectable. This amount of
contaminated earth, which now totaled about 15,000
pounds, they loaded into fifty-five-gallon drums and hauled to a
spot midway between two of the plots. They dumped the din out of the
drums and threw the contaminated boards into the pile. This heap
measured about 4 feet high and covered about
400 square feet. The material could not be
buried in a pit because even by August the soil had only thawed to a
depth of about two feet. Instead, one of the equipment operators
brought up a bulldozer from the camp and pushed about four feet of
clean dirt over top of the waste pile. And then the scientists left.
Of course, the 3.2 millicuries put into the
stream was not recovered. Presumably the “wave of radioactivity”
flowed down Snowbank Creek, into Ogotoruk Creek, and on down to the
sea. Other scientists working at the Chariot camp were unaware of
this fact, even though the camp’s water supply – for drinking,
cooking, and washing – came not from a well, but from Ogotoruk
Creek.
The radioactive material lay buried and forgotten for thirty
years, almost exactly to the day. The site was not fenced or labeled
or marked as off limits. No one monitored it over the years even
though the porous nature of the uncompacted mound “could have
allowed the radionuclides to leach out with rainfall,” according to
a 1993 scientific review. No one had bothered
to consult with the people of Point Hope about dumping nuclear waste
on land they claimed. And no one told them of the dump’s existence
after the fact.
The disposal contravened the Code of Federal Regulations, which
limited the quantities of specific isotopes that may be buried in
soil. Specifically, the cesium 137 and
strontium 85 “exceeded one thousand times the
amounts specified” in the law, according to federal regulators. Also
contrary to the federal code, said regulators, was the fact that “no
records were maintained of the byproduct materials disposed of by
burial.” Finally, the disposal was in direct violation of the
Department of the Interior permit that allowed the
AEC to occupy the Cape Thompson region. That permit stated
unequivocally that “nothing in this permit shall be construed to
authorize the contamination of any portion of the lands....”
Not a “pristine wilderness,” Alaska, but a heartbreaking land that,
after the wars, people are going to be cleaning up for a long, long
time. Dan O’Neill writes of the great “contempt for the Arctic world”
shown by American, and also Soviet, military and industrial adventurers.
I would add that a twist of irony, an upending, a reversal of redemption
to betrayal and back again, marks any true story of Alaska.
About four weeks after I left, Malfa and I talked by phone. In the
course of the conversation she told me that a contract had just been
signed for clearance and clean-up of Fort Greely to prepare it as a test
site for the missile defense shield. Her son-in-law had been one of the
negotiators. The construction firm of which he was part, a subsidiary of
the NANA Regional Corporation, would begin work in
late summer. She was suitably proud of him and pleased that a Native
company had competed successfully for the job. But I remembered
something else about him which I could not find a way to express, in
view of what I had read about the contamination of Point Hope and Fort
Greely. Her accomplished son-in-law was a grandson of the artist and
journalist from Point Hope – his name is honored in Alaskan memory – who
had organized statewide Native opposition to Project Chariot.
My friend the professor phoned to tell me Celia Hunter died on
December 2. She was co-founder, former executive
secretary, and principal spokesperson of the Alaska Conservation
Society, opponent of Project Chariot, former national executive director
of the Wilderness Society. According to one report, “The night before
she died, Hunter was on the telephone compiling a list of senators who
were on the fence regarding a scheduled vote Monday in the
U.S. Senate about drilling in the Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge.”
Malfa’s health continued to worry me and, with persistence, I finally
talked to her in mid-month. She had been hospitalized for a week, she
admitted, but then had come back to teach a workshop for Doyon, the huge
Athabaskan corporation. Her class had been oil men: managers, whites,
the first day; roustabouts, mostly Native, the second. Her topic: how
they could work together despite their cultural differences. She laughed
lightly and said she had enjoyed the roustabouts, because she knew how
to get along with them. Since the price of crude was down, I asked why
the oil companies were hiring. She said the men had told her they might
not get hired right away but wanted the training, because the talk was,
soon there were going to be lots of jobs in the Russian oilfields.
The year was 1983. A Haida lawyer who was the
husband of a friend of mine came on business to Fairbanks, where I was
living then, and we met for coffee. Subsistence rights – the word
“subsistence” when used by Natives means “our way of life,” including
hunting and fishing for family and communal use in long-used territories
– were as controversial and bitterly-fought an issue then as they are
now. For some years I had lived and traveled in the Interior and had
been shown aspects of that life that I thought should be made known. He
suggested that I write a long essay on the ceremony of the hunt,
because, he thought, I could do it accurately and with good intentions,
and he arranged for a little grant from the BIA,
“so you can keep body and soul together.”
As a background to the essay, I was asked to attend a meeting in
Anuktuvuk Pass, a Nunamiut (Inupiat) village in the Brooks Range. The
village was enclosed by the Gates of the Arctic National Park, which was
called the last great wilderness in our nation. The people there found
suddenly that their widespread hunting lands had been placed under
federal rule. Only part of their old territories remained open to them,
and then only under close restrictions.
I had never gone so far north – into the fabled Brooks Range! With
three agents from the BIA I caught the mail plane
from Fairbanks to Bettles Field, where we met the connecting twin-engine
mail plane to Anuktuvuk. Not long after takeoff, we entered the
mountains.
The plane was nearly full. Along with the BIA
staff and me there were two Park Service rangers, an Inupiaq translator,
one or two local passengers, and the pilot and the copilot. All of them
were old hands on the flight.
A long narrow pass opened between mountains that soared above us on
both sides of the defile. From the window I could watch as crags and
rocks, tones of color, shadows and light slipped behind us smoothly, at
an easy pace. It had already been a long day, though it was just after
lunch and still light. The other passengers dozed or looked lost in
their own thoughts, and the translator buried his head in the Fairbanks
paper.
The mountains were alive, sentient: eyes everywhere. One mountain was
an enormous bear lying on is paws watching us. Its gaze was intelligent
and slightly bemused. With a deep, slightly delayed, shock of
acknowledgement, I looked at it and did a small double-take. It watched
us. He was a bear. It was a mountain. He was a bear, mountain.
The plane pushed forward through the transparent air. I looked, then
looked away, and back again. The bear looked at us. The plane flew
steadily on into the depths of the mountains. They looked like
mountains. I glanced at the translator, who had relatives in Anuktuvuk;
he was still engrossed in his newspaper. The pilot never wavered on his
course. In the cabin, no one moved in his seat. I had caught myself
before crying out in surprise and felt calm and alert, but passive, as
after a shock.
It occurred to me that it could have knocked us out of the sky with a
flick of a paw. With an inward stutter, I thanked it for allowing the
plane to pass, as it passed through every day. I wondered at, and was
grateful for, the patience of the mountains.
I lost sight of it as the plane followed the curve of the pass. This
was November; it was cold, about twenty-five degrees below zero. The
village was set high in the mountains and surrounded by snow-covered
peaks. The air was heady and bracing. That night, an aurora lit up the
sky. People of the village and the visitors stood out and watched that
gorgeous dance of colors over the mountains. On their summits there are
coral deposits, it is reported, left by the Flood. The old stories of
those people record the time when an ocean covered the land.
For some time I had no words for what I had seen, only
astonishment at how normal the appearance of that mountain bear had
been: mountain/bear: mountain, bear. What I saw was no illusion; nor was
it a formal resemblance. My mind was as clear as the day. The mountain
did not “look like” a bear, as a geological formation sometimes
resembles an identifiable shape. Writing it calls for the exact play of
poetic logic, but in what language? For, what I saw was both at once,
mountain, bear. In our metaphorical language, the sense of it could
easily be lost.
Years passed before I mentioned what I had seen. I told it to Malfa.
Until then I had not known how to tell it to anyone without sounding
fantastic. To her, I just said it.
“Well,” she said easily. “Maybe it was just letting you know who
really owns that country.”
-KM
Notes:
Malfa Ivanov: This is the name she has asked me to use; “In the
Shelter of a Hill” is also a pseudonym. I have used pseudonyms in
certain instances, to respect what privacy remains to people there.
[a]t issue is the capacity and tendency of a government agency to
circumvent….: Dan O’Neill, THE FIRECRACKER
BOYS, St. Martin’ Press, 1994, p. 294.
“Let’s imagine, for a moment, that the military was interested in our
ideas….”: Dan O’Neill,
Fairbanks Daily News-Miner,
Dec. 15, 1998.
In 1962, the first “portable” nuclear power plant to be built in the
field…: O’Neill, THE FIRECRACKER BOYS,
op. cit., p. 270.
When the U.S. military considered where in the world to test deadly
nerve gas…: O’Neill, ibid., pp. 274-5.
In the fall of 1992 the people of Point Hope painfully revisited the
Chariot controversy….: O’Neill, ibid., pp. 277-80.
Not a “pristine wilderness,” Alaska….: Dan O’Neill describes the
“unwilling” participation of Alaska natives in a radiation experiment:
“Project Chariot was intended, as Livermore officials said, to be a
‘meaningful radioactivity experiment.’”
Furthermore, “it is known that Alaska native people, including people
from Point Hope, had been subjects in radiation experiments carried out
by the U.S. military in the same time period, the mid-1950s. More than
100 Eskimos and Indians from six villages in northern Alaska were given
radioactive iodine as part of an experiment conducted by the Arctic
Aeromedical Laboratory at Ladd Air Force Base in Fairbanks. Subjects
were given single doses of up to sixty-five microcuries (sixty-five
millionths of one curie) of iodine 131 in an attempt to evaluate the
role of the thyroid inhuman acclimatization to cold. Many subjects were
dosed more than once. By today’s medical standards, only about six to
ten microcuries are administered for diagnosis of thyroid anomalies.
Healthy people, of course, do not receive any doses at all.” O’Neill,
ibid., p. 282.
He adds that in May 1993,
Rep. George Miller (D-California)
“announced that the House Committee on Natural Resources would begin an
investigation ‘into government actions that exposed Native Americans,
Native Alaskans, Pacific Islanders, and others to often lethal doses of
radiation.’” (p. 284).
More generally, Rep. Bob Filner (D-California) has introduced the
Military Environmental Responsibility Act (MERA)
to require the military to “uniformly comply with all environmental
laws.”
lots of jobs in the Russian oilfields: See, for instance, this
article in a recent issue of the
Washington Post
about an oligarch who wants to drill for oil in Siberia.
Books:
Katherine McNamara, NARROW ROAD TO THE DEEP
NORTH (San Francisco:
Mercury House,
2001)
Dan O’Neill, THE FIRECRACKER BOYS.
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994)
Selected references:
An enormous list of useful sites of information, analysis, and
opinion relative to Alaska, NMD, ANWR, the Land Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA),
Native sovereignty, subsistence rights, and many other topics touched
upon in this essay can be found on the web through Google searches.
Listed below in no special order are a few sites I found useful or
interesting. -KM
Norman Chance, “The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge: A Special
Report.”
Alaska and Circumpolar Coalition against Missile Defense and the
Weaponization of Space (“No Nukes North”)
“Welcome, and thank you for visiting this site. This group is nascent
and the site is under construction, but the news needs to get out.
Alaska is slated to stage a missile defense system: testing at Kodiak
and Ground-Based Interceptors and Battle Command and Control at Fort
Greely.
“One of the most important things Alaskans and all northerners can do
is learn about the military's past abuses of northern regions that they
perceived to be remote and unpopulated. The proposed Missile Defense
system is slated to be built at Fort Greely, Alaska, next to the
communities of Delta Junction, Big Delta and Clearwater. The Alaska
Community Action on Toxins produced an in-depth investigative report on
the nuclear reactor at Fort Greely with astonishing revelations. Visit
their website and read the report at
http://www.akaction.net.
Arctic Slope Regional Corporation
NANA Regional Corporation
Delta Junction, Big Delta, Clearwater.
Native group wins defense contract for Fort Greely Anchorage
Daily News, Aug. 20, 2001
Dan
O’Neill’s columns on the missile defense shield
and in the Fairbanks Daily News-Miner
Celia Hunter’s columns in the Fairbanks
Daily News-Miner
should be archived in February 2002.
Previous Endnotes:
Sasha Choi Goes Home, Vol. 5, No. 3
Sasha Choi in America,
Vol. 5, No. 1
A Local Habitation and
A Name, Vol. 5, No. 1
The Blank Page, Vol. 4, No. 4
The Poem of the Grand
Inquisitor, Vol. 4, No. 3
On the Marionette
Theater, Vol. 4, Nos. 1/2
The Double, Vol. 3, No. 4
Folly, Love, St.
Augustine, Vol. 3, No. 3
On Memory, Vol. 3, No. 2
Passion, Vol. 3, No. 1
A Flea, Vol. 2, No. 4
On Love, Vol. 2, No. 3
Fantastic Design, with
Nooses, Vol. 2, No. 1
Kundera’s Music
Teacher, Vol. 1, No. 4
The Devil’s Dictionary; Economics for
Poets, Vol. 1, No. 3
Hecuba in New York;
Déformation Professionnelle, Vol. 1, No. 2
Art, Capitalist Relations, and Publishing on the
Web, Vol. 1, No. 1
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