April 2003 I entered Iraq from Kuwait on the first day of the ground
invasion by U.S. and British military forces, sharing a four-wheel-drive
SUV with two other friends, both Italian
photographers. For the following five weeks I worked independent of the
military. I made this choice consciously, as I had during the Gulf War
in 1991, hoping it would let me have the broadest
possible exposure to the war. While I appreciate the great work of many
of my colleagues who were “embedded” with the military, that approach to
covering war was not the one I preferred.
It must be said that, regardless of the benefits that do exist of
allowing embedding, the full story of a conflict can never be told to
the public without those journalists who work independently. It is
difficult, if not impossible, while you are with an advancing military
unit to linger in an area and report on the casualties seen in
hospitals, or witness the aftermath of battle on the civilian
population, or cover the humanitarian and refugee crises.
This decision to work as a “unilateral” photojournalist led, as it
did for all other unilaterals, to a series of implications that directly
affected our ability to participate in telling the story of this war.
It is a little-known fact, as I have since learned in conversations
among the general public, that the official policy of the
U.S. and British military, as well as of the Kuwaiti border
guards, was not to allow unilateral journalists to work in Iraq during
combat. Every time I or my colleagues presented ourselves at a
checkpoint on the two highways into Iraq from Kuwait, and openly showed
our unilateral accreditation badges, we were told to turn back, that we
had no right to enter Iraq. As in most situations of this kind, I, and
many others like me, found ways to bypass the rules. Some times we
dressed in military clothes, hoping the checkpoint authorities would not
notice we were journalists. Other times, we found ways to fall in behind
or into the middle of a military convoy, and crossed the border that
way. On occasion, in the very hot weather of the desert, we would
encounter border guards who were a bit asleep and cared little about
checking our identities.
Since I could not cross the border freely, once inside Iraq, a
country with no gas stations, open stores, or hotels, I was at all times
scared that if I returned to Kuwait to sleep at night, or to resupply, I
might never get back to cover the story. Thus, I was obliged to
transport on the rooftop of my vehicle nearly 300
liters of petrol in fifteen jerry cans, making me the driver of a
rolling bomb. I also transported nearly a month of food and water
supplies. I ate more cans of tuna in five weeks then in my whole life
put together. Because U.S. and British military
units usually refused to let unilateral journalists camp near their
units, my biggest daily challenge was to find a seemingly safe place to
sleep, where I wouldn’t be attacked by pro-Saddam militia hostile to the
presence of non-Iraqis in their country. During most of my time in
southern Iraq, I joined other carloads of western unilateral journalists
at night. We would “circle the wagons,” parking our cars together and as
near as possible to an area under control by the British or
U.S. military. I usually laid out my sleeping bag
on the ground. For many nights, an area outside the port of Um Quasr
became my refuge.
Though I had worked previously all over the world in diverse
conditions, I don’t recall ever having the same relationship with
certain basic amenities that meant my survival. Gasoline and electric
power became among my most-needed friends. Before, when organizing a
trip, my checklist of necessities had been pretty small: cameras, film,
some money, a few clothes, and my passport. Now, in the digital age, I
had to add a multitude of items: lots of batteries, a recharger, a
computer, a satellite data-transmitter, and multiple plugs, cords, and
adapters. Any missing element or a broken or lost part could take me
completely out of effective action.
After a week in southern Iraq, Rachid, a Kuwaiti man who owned a farm
in the north, purchased for me a small Robbins gas-propelled electric
generator. I risked crossing back into Kuwait to pick it up. Suddenly,
that generator became an indispensable lifeline. And I remember times
when, while pouring gas into my vehicle, looking at and smelling the
liquid, I felt an almost sensual connection to it – so much it seemed
the essence of my survival in a country where a disabled vehicle could
mean being attacked and killed at any time by hostile Iraqi militia.
After spending nearly three weeks in southern Iraq, I arrived in
Baghdad, on the evening of the day a crowd had toppled a statue of
Saddam Hussein near the Palestine Hotel. For the next week, I roamed the
city and its outskirts, observing the aftermath and the near-term
effects of this war on the Iraqi people.
One memory will always haunt me. On April 14,
in Baghdad, I walked into a hospital room in the Al Asskan Hospital.
There were two beds. On one of them lay two-year-old Martatha Hameed in
the arms of her mother, Eman Ali, who was twenty-three. I noticed an
expression of great anxiety and stress on the face of Eman Ali. On the
other bed lay, diagonally, a ten-year-old girl with curly brown hair,
named Worood Nasiaf. She was dressed in a small shirt and pants, and her
feet were covered only by little white socks. Her head was pulled back
on the side of the bed. A doctor held it in his hands. From the other
side of the bed, another doctor pushed violently on her chest with
repetitive strokes. Both doctors wore expressions of determined
intensity, and their energy offered a great sense of hope. After many
minutes of cardiac massage, one of them stopped, waited a few seconds,
put his stethoscope to her chest, and listened.
I thought I saw breathing, and a leap of joy lifted me. Several
seconds later, the doctor resumed pushing on her chest. After what
seemed at least ten minutes, in an almost violent gesture, one of the
doctors stopped and put his hand over her face. The other stood up and
put her tiny hands together over her chest. In the next instant, he
pulled a towel over her face. Both doctors turned and walked out of the
room shaking their heads, and I realized I had just seen this beautiful
little girl’s life evaporate. I stopped one of the doctors and asked him
her name and what she had died from. In perfect English, the Iraqi
doctor gave me her name, and explained that she had died of pulmonary
pneumonia, which, he said, could easily have been treated. Her father
had been unable to bring her to the hospital in time because of the
impossibly dangerous traveling conditions. With bitter resignation he
said to me, “I am sorry, I have no more time to talk, there is too much
work left for me to do here.” A few minutes later, a man walked into the
room and removed the towel from her face. It was her father. Holding her
hands, he stood and sobbed.
I visited several hospitals in Baghdad and Basra. In all of them were
almost no medicines, anesthesia, or sterile instruments. In the
emergency rooms were scenes from a hell. The results of war took on
names and faces. A young woman, Hanan Muaed, 16,
was wrapped in a body bandage, burned from an explosion when her home in
Baghdad was hit by a bomb. Mahmoud Mohammed, 17,
lost his leg from shrapnel from a shell. Zeinan Haneed, 9,
lost her leg, and all of her family, when her home was shelled in Basra
on March 23. A grandmother, Shukria Mahmoud, stood
crying next to a bed where her grandson, Saif Abed Al Karem, lay hurt by
a bomb, one having lost his father, the other her son, in the incident.
A small girl, Safah Ahmed, lay on a bed in the Al Karch Hospital,
Baghdad. She had been playing in front of her house when a bomb landed
in her neighbors’ front yard. All she could remember was that it had
been her birthday, and that when she woke up, she only had one leg.
On the western outskirts of Baghdad, daily, thousands, if not
hundreds of thousands, of Iraqis were on the move, on foot, coming home
after having left the capital during the war, or walking in the
opposition direction, home, towards the the south and Basra. The war in
Baghdad seems almost over for the time being; but on the faces of these
masses on the move were no smiles. Children often had the look of terror
and fear in their eyes. At one point, twenty-five meters from the road,
American troops blew up a large munitions cache, as thousands of people
were walking by. There was a huge boom, and families scattered,
screaming, in all directions and dove to the ground. A woman speaking
perfect, well-educated English stopped me one day and told me she was a
medical doctor, and that she and her family lived in a small village
near Baghdad. She would identify herself only as Jasmine. She expressed
what I heard in variation from many, many people: “We don’t like Saddam,
but what has happened here is criminal and you must tell it! We will
give you our oil, you can take it, but we won’t let you take our
country. Look at this, no electricity, no water, no food, no control,
everything stolen. We didn’t like Saddam, but our country needs force to
be controlled.”
At one of the central cemeteries, near the Al Karch hospital, a group
of women wear the traditional black chadors of the Shiite Moslem
minority. They come from the poor, predominantly Shiite neighborhood in
the north of Baghdad called Saddam City. The women were there to bury
Abed Al Hassin, 53, who was killed by Iraqi
militia as he waved a white flag from his car while driving home. One of
the woman – “Just say I am a mother” – said, “Bush is better than
Saddam, We will give him our oil, and maybe he will let us live in
peace.”
The crowd burying a body, an Iraqi soldier killed by a Coalition
bomb, in the “1,000 Houses” neighborhood, was much less calm and
cordial. One man, called out, “If Bush has any honor, he should tear
Saddam into pieces and bring him to us.”
I witnessed dozens of burials of Iraqis killed during the war. A
large family stood at the grave of Fadila Sadek,74,
as she was being buried. I asked if she had died from injuries from the
war, and one of her relatives said to me gently, “She died from the
stress of this war.”
A few days after one of many of the Saddam Hussein statues was pulled
down by crowds in Baghdad, signaling the end of his regime, life began
to come back to certain daily routines. Elder men, gathered again at the
Al Zahani Cafe in the old city. Jamal Abdullah Khalil, sixty-six years
old, a former carpenter, sat smoking his water pipe. The cafe owner told
me, “Jamal has been coming here since he was born.” I asked Jamal what
he felt about the war. He looked at me and said, “I don’t want to say to
you what I have to say, please don’t ask me.”
In the Al Alawi Market in Baghdad, business is coming back gradually
to routines of daily life. In the month I spent in Iraq since April
17, I saw glimpses of smiles only twice. Once was
while women fought with each other to get buckets of fresh water, the
first they had had in weeks, from a water truck provided by the British
military in Al Zubair, a town in southern Iraq. The second time was just
a few days ago, as men sold squawking, live chickens to buyers in the Al
Alawi Market.
I have traveled to more than eighty-five countries and covered most
of the major conflicts of the past twenty years. I spent a lot of time
while in Iraq trying to make some semblance of sense from all the
impulses of experience I have lived, felt, and observed. The theme that
seemed to dominate my observations of and conversations with Iraqis and
Coalition Forces has been that of two worlds – two cultures, at least
two religions, and two sets of history and civilization – which have
confronted each other. At best, they seem not to know each other well.
At worse, they are openly hostile toward each other. They are not really
sure they want to live in each other’s midst. As British and American
soldiers sped through towns and villages in southern Iraq leaving no
military presence behind, time after time, Iraqis would shout out at
their speeding backs, “Where is the water, where is the aid we heard
about?”
When I was leaving, I approached the town of Safwan, on the border of
Kuwait and Iraq. A group of Iraqi children stood waving as I drove up
near the customs point. As I lifted my camera to take a last picture in
Iraq, a young boy, who couldn’t have been more than ten, waved, walked
up to my car, and, suddenly, produced a brick and slammed it into the
windshield, shattering it. Disoriented, my car rolled to the side. I
managed to speed away across the border, leaving behind a crowd of
pursuing children.
When I crossed into Kuwait, I was stopped by a border guard. I felt
relieved to be in a seemingly less-hostile, safer environment and
heading home. The guard asked me to take everything out of my car so he
could search it. As I removed heavy boxes, I said to him, “I was here in
1991, when the Americans fought for your country.”
The guard looked at me and said, “They didn’t fight for my country, they
fought for my oil!”
After I was cleared, I drove away slowly. I wondered if I should be
angry at the words and ideas of this Kuwaiti man, standing by himself at
a dusty crossing between the two countries. It occurred to me that what
was important, much more so than my feelings about them, was that his
words actually represented his feelings and perceptions about his world,
and about a war the United States and its allies had “won” more than
eleven years ago.
Photographs and Text, Iraq 2003
© 2003 Text and photographs Peter
Turnley
These photos are part of a larger
collection of Peter Turnley’s work in Iraq
on
The
Digital Journalist,
published here with kind permission.
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