The president ignored the immediate threat to this
nation posed by al-Qaida, about which he had been briefed several times,
including the week before his inauguration. The vice-president and the
attorney general did likewise. The terrible attacks of September
11 shocked them into overreacting to the
consequences of their inattention. Atty. Gen. Ashcroft is on record as having
said: “There are no civil liberties that are more important than the
right to be uninjured and to be able to live in freedom.”
And so, in American public and, often, private
places, everyone is now under suspicion. We are becoming used to the
fact that a government agent can search our goods, our most private
records, and ourselves, for the ostensible purpose of protecting us from
terrorism. What are we learning from this? To be docile? To be afraid?
To expect that, wherever we go, some federal agency will be keeping
track of us? What are the consequences for our democracy, when the
government of the United States can legally search any, and all, of us?
What freedom are we talking about, here? Recently, I took a flight, the
first in more than two years. I had been warned about security, but was
irked when I was asked to remove my shoes, and coldly, wildly furious at
being “wanded” and “patted lightly” by a stranger, who had no probable
cause to search me. In the airport, I was treated like a suspect. I was
hardly alone; I was one of the masses so treated. I think this is
unconstitutional, and I am deeply ashamed of this country. For, I do not
believe that the “war on terror” is a real war, which is the business of
killing. I observe that, because of our policies, this nation has real
enemies, and that an international consortium of police action is
necessary against non-state terrorists. But as a means of consolidating
a monopoly power of government, I fear that same “war” may be very
effective at home, and that its consequence is undermining the
Constitution.
Shady and stolen elections are not new in our
history. In 1960, Joseph P. Kennedy, father of the
candidate for president, and Richard Daley, Mayor of Chicago and father
of the present, civic-minded mayor, made sure that Chicago voted early
and often for J.F.K. Richard Nixon decided not to
challenge the ballots – though he might have won the election, if he had
– because he knew that the Republican irregularities in downstate
Illinois were egregious, and entirely known to his opponents; and that a
challenge would open a serious and disruptive court fight that could
weaken the presidency. “Politics ain’t beanbag,” as Mr. Dooley said.
But the 2000 election was
different. One candidate for president won the majority of the popular
vote by a huge number if a very small proportion, while losing (finally)
the electoral vote; and his opponent was selected for the presidency by
five members of the Supreme Court in a partisan, political decision. It
was a constitutional crisis, though we could not bear to face it
straight on, and it was an American kind of coup, of which the real
story – it would be one of the great American novels – has not been
written. It would be the story of how our system of democracy was
broken.
A grave error was made in the selection of the
president, which was a formal sundering into two parts of the body
politic. Can the error be corrected? If not, what consequence do we
face?
The American polity does not claim for itself the
right to vote directly for its president. In 1913,
the country ratified the 17th Amendment
to allow direct election of Senators; but it but retained the distancing
mechanism of Electors chosen by ballot. Was this meant to give us a
chance to breathe deeply before installing our president? Perhaps the
common voter is feared, at least subliminally, by the donor class, which
prefers an indirect validation. Perhaps we are even afraid of ourselves
en masse at the polls.
This president has misrepresented his reasons for
going to war against Iraq. If in that land are chemical and biological
weapons, they are so well hidden that in searching for them, American
lives and treasure have been expended on a chimera. This is a matter of
the national security, for when a president lies about the public
business, he betrays (once again) the trust the citizenry have placed in
him. President Eisenhower, a former general, was not impeached in
1960, though the shock of his lie about Francis
Gary Powers’ U2 intentional flight over Russian
territory was huge (I remember it as a child); but it was an election
year, and the lie was more or less accepted by the populace as perhaps
having been necessary. President Johnson lied his way into escalating
the war in Vietnam, and was forced to concede the prospect of a second
term to the wrath of the voters. Lying about sexual behavior is silly,
petty, and probably necessary, but President Clinton was “stung” into
his lie by a band of prurient Republicans who peeked into private
business like the elders spying on Susannah at her bath.
The Constitution was damaged by the trivial basis
on which that president was impeached. History – I am recalling the
Watergate hearings, which led to hearings on the impeachment of
President Nixon – repeated itself, not as tragedy but as farce. The
instrument of impeachment has been dulled, but it should be honed and
made ready for use, for there is a growth upon the body politic far
worse than a cancer. The legislators who must wield that instrument
would best gird themselves in sorrow and righteous anger, and they must
come from both sides of the aisle. For the American president has lied
outright to the citizenry, to us, on a matter of national security.
Further, and damningly: he has not secured our nation even reasonably
against our likely enemies and for our civil defense. I believe the
serious and grave case must be prepared, to charge him with high crime
against the body politic.
We groan: Oh, no, can we bear this again? The
matter now is more complicated. The president is not the only
responsible party. His vice-president, Cheney, is a principle architect
of the war policy and seems to have influenced the production of
intelligence estimates in ways not fully made known yet. He is also
culpable of conflict of interest because of his intimate relationship
with the people and corporations who and which have benefited and will
continue to benefit most directly and richly from the wars overseas.
The House of Representatives would have to bring a
shocking bill to the floor. The Senate would have to try and convict.
The party in power intends to monopolize the American government from
top to bottom. It considers its opponents un-American usurpers of the
power due its own propertied, oil-based class. It intends to dominate
Earth and Space by military means, including nuclear weapons, and claims
the right to destroy any other state that might conceivably challenge
its megalomaniac dominion. Does anyone believe that party would remove
its chief and symbol of power?
But our system is broken, and unless the president,
the vice-president, and their administration go from office, I fear this
nation and its Constitution will not be repaired. And if this is so, we
are a terrible loss to ourselves, and a worse loss to the world. For if
our great democratic arrangement truly is gone – as at this moment it
may nearly be – then where will come the hopes of the world?
This administration, and the deformed Republican
Party which is their base of power, does not believe in domestic
government. How, then, will they govern us?
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher said famously,
“There is no society; there are only individuals.” These our governors
are Thatcher’s individuals, whose nature is red in tooth and claw.
Previous Endnotes:
Patriotism and the Right of Free Speech in Wartime,
Vol. 7, No. 1.
A Year in Washington, Vol. 6, Nos. 3/4
Lies, Damn Lies, Vol. 6, No. 2
The Colossus, Vol. 6, No. 1
The Bear, Vol. 5 No. 4
Sasha Choi Goes Home, Vol. 5, No. 3
Sasha Choi in America,Vol. 5, No. 1
A Local Habitation and A Name, Vol. 5, No. 1
The Blank Page, Vol. 4, No. 4
The Poem of the Grand Inquisitor, Vol. 4, No. 3
On the Marionette Theater, Vol. 4, Nos. 1/2
The Double, Vol. 3, No. 4
Folly, Love, St. Augustine, Vol. 3, No. 3
On Memory, Vol. 3, No. 2
Passion, Vol. 3, No. 1
A Flea, Vol. 2, No. 4
On Love, Vol. 2, No. 3
Fantastic Design, with Nooses, Vol. 2, No. 1
Kundera’s Music Teacher, Vol. 1, No. 4
The Devil’s Dictionary; Economics for Poets, Vol. 1, No. 3
Hecuba in New York; Déformation Professionnelle, Vol. 1, No. 2
Art, Capitalist Relations, and Publishing on the Web, Vol. 1, No. 1
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